The end of Carolingian Expansion - Timothy Reuter
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• Expansion Carolingians slowed down rapidly after 800 – halt under Louis the Pious – Avars in 790s last aggressive military operation, incorporation of the Saxons into Frankish empire by peace of Salz in 803 – de-Saxonisation of Transalbingia end of real war – 802/3 and crisis 830s – intermittent warfare on a number of fronts; Muslims of Spain and Basques, north-west against Bretons, north-east against Danes and Salv allies – s-east Serbs and Bulgars – Italy against the Byzantines, invasion scares north French soasy, real invasions southern Italy and Frisia and skirmishes Med islands.
• 802-30 no difference with before  -between Charles Martel and conclusion peace Saxons war every year – tribute taking or expeditions of conquest – post 800 very little of this  -Byzantium in Italy inconclusive, 805-8 campaigns against the Slavs continuation – not rewarding. 818 and 824 against Bretons 8^th century flavour. Ad hoc responses of a defensive nature to external threats – not confined to hard-pressed border commanders – 810-11 Charles hears rumour Godafrid about to invade – collects army – in 795 news of internal strife signal to attacks Avars – loads of internal disputes Danish house and only action in 815 half-hearted
• Similar restra9inht in Bulgar khan problems 820s – notes of alram
• Defensive attitude 806 – Charles three sons urged to be content with portions and defend them from external attack. – Oridination imperii of 817 – serious restrictions on the freedom of Lothar’s brothers and sub-kings to wage war – only in response to invasion, capitularies new interest in defensive measures after 800 – coats to be built, arrangements coastal watch. 
• New emphasis on securing the borders in Charles’ last years and under Louis – programmatic capitulary telling people to be ready to defend from attack short time, attack planned at leisure – first appears during Charles.
• Charles and Louis finding it extremely difficult to raise armies – men escape into the church, others refuse to serve, badly armed or provisioned, club together to support one man.  Finally war-weary – end Carolingian expansion pre destined.
• Its truth dependent to significant extent on kind of military service referred to in capitularies – volksaufgebot of free men – was service due from all free men or only from those with a certain minimum of property – under what circumstances was it due?  When could a Frankish ruler call free nen, or all qualified free men, for military service.
• Most helpful indication lies in geographical or ethnic names included in descriptions of armies which the narrative sources offer us.
• GENTILE OR REGIONAL – Burgundians, Austrasians major armies being raised for expeditions across the border, and pagus based “men of Tours”, “the Men of Auxerre” – small defensive operations against rebellious dukes, Merovingian pretenders and border incursions.  Freemen of court clearly summon in local not wars of conquest; not to say regional wars did not consist of agglomeration of contingents from a number of pagi.
• Division between offensive warfare conducted by picked troops who stood in a special relationship with king and defensive warfare for which something of a general call up confirmed in Carolingian evidence – general service being required by free men as well – Louis the Pious and Lothar 828 – ready to fight as soon as summoned, missi to draw up lists of those available for service – either in person or as contributors to the service for another – 806 cpaitulary 1 in 6 Saons shall fight
• Only in event of defensio patriae were all obliged to fight, traditionally duty of landwehr inappropriate in Grossreich dangerous attack could be many miles away from relatively restricted area of patria.   Clubbing together not sign of lessening burden on those fighting for too long, but way of extendi g traditional obligation to make it workable and useful in context of a greatly enlarged empire and of a defensive military posture.
• Charles the Bald facing Viking attack – those cannot support burden military service are to do guard duty and bridge building – fail to do are fined 60 shillings but not suffer death.  Not usually expected for all beyond particular region to do military service – 807 capitulary exception.
• Not being dutious Christian emperor’s in protecting liberi hominess – more utilitarian – utilitas Regis, not treating all free men equal before the aw, also no reason to suppose that Charles and Louis aimed at the mediazation of small free men in order to preserve royal power against that of the aristocracy – no objection to free men having lords, as long as available for military service – interest stemmed from changed situation in Carolingian empire.
• Shift to a defensive posture in decades following Charles’ imperial coronation preceeded and produced new interest in service due from liberi hominess – not precipitated by difficulties in enforcing such service – follows that explanation for end Carolingian expansion sought elsewhere than war-weariness – little study on why expansion stopped: dangers of indefinite expansion, Charles’ imperial coronation, new sense of responsibly that ensued.
• Consciousness – Charles and Louis distinguish between legitimate and illegitimate expansion – 814 not go beyond Merovingian kingdom, Avar kingdom, exception, destroyed not absorbed, aimed at along was renovatio regni francorum – Lombardy never incorporated like Carolingians, nor of Visgothic Spain – why left Bretons as tributaries, old scores there.
• Consciousness and being- Christian empire formal difficulties – no tolerance of pagans in boundaries – nature Christianity required inner conversion – opportunities inherent in Islam not available to Carolingian (inner, not just Judaizing outer adherence to Christianity – expansion beyond certain limits not possible due to shortage suitable manpower, not to do fighting, but the conversion afterwards.  Other words: Carolingians had their hands full in Saxony – not necessarily expansion needed, tribute taking fine, no compunction tributes from heathens, also had missionaries in other wars – Danes, Swedes Slavs and Avars.
• Did the Carolingians think they had arrived?  Going Byzantine – foreign policy aimed at conserving rather than expanding the empire, diplomatic ideas, harbouring pretenders, acting as arbitrator, baptism and political device “family of kings” as a military force.  Under Louis resemblances between Carolingian and Byzantine methods of dealing with those lying beyond borders became very apparent – did this produce new defensiveness of produced by it.
• 20 years before Charles’ death position Frankish empire changes – firstly Franks really rich after destruction of Avar empire, wealth made empire attractive target for neighbours, esp Vikings and Saracens, also Slavs, success 8^th century led to shortage of victims who were conquerable and profitable – Spain good, but unreliability of the Basques and Pyrenees problematic.  What was left of Byzantine and Italy not easily conquerable – only Danes, Soaves and Anglo Saxons
• Ravishing Slaves doable done in first decade of Charles’ coronation – not fund lifestyles to which Franks had become accustomed. Lack of serious naval power difficult to overcome Anglo-Saxons and Danes – losses of key members of the aristocracy – Gerold of Bavaria, Eric of friui – even under powerful Charlemagne such losses produced political crisis.  Frankish aristocracy come to revise profit-loss assessments of warfare, more risky than it had previously been, even in heyday of expansion sensitivity to risk – opposition to Pippn’s campaigns. Less to gain from plunder and more to lose if attack while gone – decision to consolidate eschew military adventirusm go on the defensive
• Fatal structural consequences – acquisition loot by successful warfare crucial in determining momentum of Frankish expansion and allocation of power within Frankish empire.  Demands of warrior following not reduced – only way wants met by internal expansion or increase political power and rewards.
• Context of military stagnation, not internal decomposition produced by moral decline or inadequate military structures that we see military developments of 800 – 830.  Complaints of land-grabbing, by paupers, palace purge 814 and rebellion 817, attempt by Louis in 822 to set an example of forgiveness and reconciliation – virtues more desirable as resources dried up.  Faction and internal expansion did not suddenly appear post 800 – rarely visible before then – as long as Frankish empire expanding, growing, bring in money not structurally dangerous.  Once this was no longer true internal crisis of 830s were only a matter of time, not of personalities of ideologies.

Other Notes in this Category

1. After Charles the Bald
2. Aquitaine
3. Caroligians - Vikings and Frankish Empire
4. Charlemagne and the Imperial Coronation of 800
5. Crisis 829 – 30
6. Ecclesia Francorum
7. Evaluation of Charles the Bald in relation to his predecessors
8. Frankish Gaul to 814 - Paul Fourace
9. Frankish Kingdoms 814 – 898 – The West
10. Germany In The Early Middle Ages – Reuter
11. Judith Herrin – Carolingian Innovation From The Formation Of Christendom
12. Lateran Synod 769
13. Populus Francorum
14. Regnum and Regna
15. Scandinavians and Others
16. The Emergence Of The East Franksih Kingdom 800 – 43
17. The end of Carolingian Expansion - Timothy Reuter
18. Varities of Viking Impact - Seine

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